Cours: Foreign Policy of Pakistan-I (4661) Semester: Autumn, 2021

Level: M.Sc

Assignment No.1

Q.l Describe the HISTORY AND CULTURE, SIZE and GEOGRAPHY as the significant inputs of the foreign policy of a developing country like Pakistan.

ANS

Populous multiethnic country of South Asia. Having a predominately Indo-Iranian speaking population, Pakistan has historically and culturally been associated with its neighbors Iran, Afghanistan, and India. Since Pakistan and India achieved independence in 1947, Pakistan has been distinguished from its larger southeastern neighbour by its overwhelmingly Muslim population (as opposed to the predominance of Hindus in India). Pakistan has struggled throughout its existence to attain political stability and sustained social development. Its capital is Islamabad, in the foothills of the Himalayas in the northern part of the country, and its largest city is Karachi, in the south on the coast of the Arabian Sea.

Pakistan was brought into being at the time of the partition of British India, in response to the demands of Islamic nationalists: as articulated by the All India Muslim League under the leadership of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, India’s Muslims would receive just representation only in their own country. From independence until 1971, Pakistan (both de facto and in law) consisted of two regions—West Pakistan, in the Indus River basin in the northwestern portion of the Indian subcontinent, and East Pakistan, located more than 1,000 miles (1,600 km) to the east in the vast delta of the Ganges-Brahmaputra river system. In response to grave internal political problems that erupted in civil war in 1971, East Pakistan was proclaimed the independent country of Bangladesh.

Turkish

Identification. The English word “Turkish” comes from the ancient Turkish word Türk , which can be used as an adjective or a proper noun. In Turkish, the name of the country is Türkiye . After decades of nationalistic indoctrination, most citizens self-identify as Turks regardless of ethnic background. Some of the major non-Turkish ethnic groups—the Kurds in the southeast, the Arabs in the south, the Laz of the western Black Sea coast, and the Georgians in the northeast and northwest—express double identities.

Location and Geography. Turkey occupies Asia Minor and a small portion of Europe. Its area is 301,382 square miles (814,578 square kilometers). It is bounded on the west by the Aegean Sea; on the northwest by the Sea of Marmara, Greece, and Bulgaria; on the north by the Black Sea; on the east by Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Iran; and on the south by Iraq, Syria, and the Mediterranean. Although Istanbul (formerly Constantinople) is the major city and was the capital of the Ottoman Empire, the first president—Mustafa Kemal Atatürk—chose Ankara, an interior Anatolian city, as the capital in 1923. Militarily Ankara was less exposed and more easily defended than Istanbul. The choice also symbolized Atatürk’s policy of nationalism, because Ankara was more Turkish and less cosmopolitan than the old capital.

Turkey has 4,454 miles of coastline. The interior consists of mountains, hills, valleys, and a high central plateau. The western coastal plains are generally more densely populated and industrial than are the central and eastern regions, except for Ankara on the central Anatolian plateau. Because Asia Minor had been home to Lydians, Hittites, Greeks, Romans, Byzantines, Seljuks, and Ottomans over the centuries, it is dotted with historic monuments.

Physiographic ally, the country may be divided into five regions. The Black Sea region has a moderate climate and higher than average rainfall. It is dominated by the Pontic mountain range. The west is noted for agriculture, including grains, vegetables, fruits, nuts, and tobacco. In the more humid east, the mountains leave a narrow coastal plain rarely exceeding twenty miles wide. The Black Sea peoples settled and farmed the valleys and narrow alluvial fans of the area’s rivers, developing a form of steep slope agriculture to grow vegetables and fruits. Tea, the major cash crop, did not become popular until the 1960s. Some villagers combined gardening with transhumant pastoralism, which involves grazing small herds of sheep, goats, and cattle on the lowlands in the winter and in the high Pontic pastures in the summer.

History and Ethnic Relations

Emergence of the Nation. Present-day Turkey was founded in 1923 as an offspring of the multiethnic and multilingual Ottoman Empire, which existed between the fourteenth and early twentieth centuries and embraced much of the Middle East along with parts of southeastern Europe and North Africa in the sixteenth century. In the nineteenth century, when the Balkans and the Trans-Caspian regions were separated from the empire, many non-Turkish Ottoman citizens fled or migrated to Anatolia and Turkish Thrace to resettle.

With the Ottoman Empire’s demise in World War I, the heartland of the old empire—Istanbul and Asia Minor—was reconstituted as the Republic of Turkey under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal (later called Mustafa Kemal Atatürk). To make Turkey a modern, Western-style, secular nation-state, Atatürk disestablished Islam as the state religion, adopted Western legal codes, and established a compulsory secular educational system in which all young Muslim citizens, regardless of ethnicity, were taught that they were ethnically Turkish and citizens of a Turkish nation-state. After centuries of intermarriage with Mediterranean and Balkan peoples and the assimilation of those peoples into the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish state, the vast majority of today’s Turks physically resemble southern Europeans rather than central Asiatics.

National Identity. The government founded and supported historical and linguistic societies that researched and, if necessary, invented a glorious Turkish past that would instill pride in the country’s citizens. The official policy of Turkish nationalistic indoctrination has been largely effective. Most citizens, regardless of their non-Turkish ancestry, self-identify as Turks both ethnically and nationally, with the exception of some Kurds.

Ethnic Relations. After the post-World War I Treaty of Laussane, only Christian Armenians, Orthodox Greeks, and Jews were allowed to maintain their religious and educational institutions. Since 1999, the only non-Turkish languages taught in public schools have been western European languages and Arabic.

About half the Kurds reside in southeastern Turkey, their traditional homeland. Most of those in other regions have become Turkified though education, work, military service, and intermarriage. Since the 1970s, a growing number of Kurds have rediscovered their non-Turkish roots, based in part on Kurdish, an Indo-European language related to Persian.

Although the use of Kurdish in public speech and print has been legal since 1991, prosecutors often arrest Kurdish speakers and confiscate Kurdish publications under the Anti-Terror Law, which prohibits the dissemination of separatist propaganda. Prosecutors also have used other parts of the criminal code to limit ethnic expression. As of 1999, Kurdish-language broadcasts remained illegal. The Sanliurfa (southeastern Turkey) branch of the Mesopotamian Cultural Center, a corporation established to promote the Kurdish language and culture, was banned in 1997 by the provincial governor. In 1997, the governor’s office in Istanbul refused the Kurdish Culture and Research Foundation permission to offer Kurdish-language classes.

Some Kurds are demanding cultural rights and even independence or regional autonomy for the southeast. Since 1984, the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a secessionist and sometimes terrorist organization, has been fighting the Turkish military in that area. Up to March 1999, about thirty thousandpeople, mostly PKK members, had been killed in the fighting. The Turkish military’s actions have engendered support for the PKK, which occasionally carries out cross-border raids from northern Iraq. Turkish armed forces have compelled the evacuation of over a million civilians from the southeast and destroyed over two thousand villages.

Q.2 Elaborate Pakistan’s efforts to develop its relations with the Muslim World. Why Pakistan failed to develop cordial relations with the Muslim countries during the period from 1947-1953?

ANS

First of all we will take up the first part and that is the foundations of Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim World and why Pakistan attaches great importance to its relations with the Muslim World that is the issue that will be dealt with in the first part of the lecture. As I have said that Pakistan assigns prime importance to its ties and relations with the Muslim World. Pakistan is an advocate of Pan-Islamism in the International system that is greater unity, greater cooperation amongst the Muslim states so that they can affectively project and protect their interests.

Another consideration s support to Muslim causes at the International level whether you are talking of international forums or bilateral levels Pakistan has supported Muslim causes at any level in the World. The Muslims of the sub-continent have deep-rooted affiliation with the Islamic countries on the basis of religion. They demonstrated this zeal of brotherhood on many occasions. From the days of Pakistan movement, Muslims of India followed the traditional policy with the Muslim World. Pan-Islamism and Islamic values were the strongest motives behind the demand of a separate Muslim state. So after the partition, they always preferred close bilateral relations with the Muslim countries.

Another aspect relates to Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim World on country to country bases or what we call bilateral levels, when Pakistan conducts its relations with individual Muslim country. If you look at the constitution of Pakistan you find that one of the principles of policy urges the govt to maintain and pursue close and cordial relations with the Muslim World. So in other words it is imperative from constitutional perspective for the govt of Pakistan to maintain and pursue close and friendly relations with the Muslim World. Its not simply in the post independence period that Pakistan started pursuing cordial relations with the Muslim World, Pakistan heritage shows that Muslims of this region had great interest in and concern for Muslims living in any part of the World. You could find in the pre-independence period that the Muslims of this region and the ML that led the independence movement always supported the Muslim cause else where. After independence this became a permanent and regular aspect of Pakistan’s foreign policy.

So, we can say that the principles of policy in all the constitutions carry special attachment for Muslims and their heritage. The love for Muslim brotherhood continued during and after the independence.

Multilateral Relations:

Now we move on to the second aspect of today’s lecture that deals with multilateral relations that is the relations of Pakistan with other countries that involve several countries at the same time. In the multilateral domain, we can talk about Pakistan’s support for the de colonization of the Muslim World.

Support for Independence:

After becoming independent Pakistan championed the cause of liberation of those Muslim states that were under foreign control or domination and in this connection we can talk about Pakistan’s full moral support for the independence of Indonesia, Tunis, Morocco, Algeria, Libya, Sudan and Eritrea. You would remember that Algerian freedom movement went on for a long time and Pakistan was a great supporter of their freedom movement and when Algeria became independent Pakistan welcomed this positive change that another Muslim country had become independent and sovereign.

Palestine:

Second issue that can be raised here is the Pakistan’s support for the Palestinian cause. There is a consistency and continuity in Pakistan’s support to the Palestinian cause. Pakistan, being a Muslim state, always sided with the national rights of the Palestinian people. It strongly supported the independent Palestinian state. This support goes back to the pre-independence period when ML passed resolution after resolution in support of the Palestine issue and after independence the state of Pakistan has been an ardent and an active supporter of the Palestinian cause at all levels. Sharing grievous concern over the atrocities inflicted on the Muslims, it condemned the Israeli policies. And Pakistan has criticisized time and again quite bitterly the atrocities that Israel commits against the Palestians from time to time. Pakistan supported their right to have sovereign and independent state.

Organization of Islamic Conference:

Third we can talk about OIC which is a manifestation of the Muslim World and a concept of Pan-Islamism. Organization of Islamic Conference is the largest Muslim forum in the world. Pakistan was very active in creating this forum and it had remained associated with the OIC right from the beginning of this organization Pakistan was among the 51 Muslim nations which attended the inaugural session in Rabat (1969). Its second conference was held at Lahore in 1974, its session held at the city chambers in the city of Lahore which was a matter of great honour and pride for Pakistan that the heads of states, govts and the top leaders of the Muslim World were present in Pakistan for sometime. Pakistani desired to make it an effective forum to address the political, economic, technical, scientific matters. The OIC has repeatedly extended support to Pakistan on Kashmir. It had passed resolutions demanding that the people of Kashmir should be given their right to decide their political future. One Pakistani had served as the secretary general of OIC

RCD and ECO:

Fourth important area in the multi-lateral field is RCD (Regional Cooperation for Development) and ECO (Economic Cooperation Organization). RCD was set up in 1964 and this included Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, It worked in the area of economic trade, cultural and related fields. However, this organization became in active in 1979. In 1985-86 Turkey, Iran and Pakistan decided to set up ECO its objectives were very similar to the RCD. However, a significant development was that in 1992 6 other members were added to the ECO when Afghanistan and five Central Asian Republics, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan joined it. This means that now ECO has 10 members 3 original and others who joined later on and these members are trying to promote greater economic, trade technological and cultural cooperation and exchanges amongst the members.

Economic Assistance and Investment in Pakistan from the Middle East:

Some of the Middle East Countries had been extending economic cooperation to Pakistan from the beginning, trade relations were there from the beginning. From 1972 this relationship, economic relationship, economic assistance, economic cooperation, investment extended rapidly. Some of the Middle Eastern Countries like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iran, UAE and Libya provided economic assistance to Pakistan in the 70s and in the 80s. These countries also made investment in Pakistan primarily in the 70s and some assistance in the 80s. Their economic assistance and cooperation contributed to Pakistan’s economic development and stabilization in the 70s and the 80s.

Further more; Pakistan extends military training facilities to the number of the Gulf States and other Middle Eastern States in Pakistani institutions. Pakistan military personnel retired and serving also go these countries for different trainings and staff appointments. We all know another dimension of relationship between Pakistan and the Middle Eastern States that is thousands of thousands of Pakistanis are employed in different states of the Gulf region and other Middle Eastern Muslim states and from these states these Pakistanis working there send part of their earnings back home and this becomes an important source of earning, foreign exchange earning for Pakistani state. In this way Pakistanis living abroad especially in the Middle Eastern region are playing a significant role in Pakistan’s economy.

This relationship is very important for Pakistan and if there is a crises in the Middle East this adversely affects the trade between Pakistan and the ME and also those Pakistanis who are living and working there and their dependents in Pakistan who get their financial support from these countries from their own family members.

Rights of Muslim Minorities in different counties:

There is another dimension at multilateral level that pertains to the rights and issues of Muslim minorities in different countries of the World. Muslims are living as minorities that is where majority community is Non-Muslim. The rights and interests of Muslim minorities living in other countries is a matter of interest for Pakistan and its people. Usually Pakistan operated through the organization of Islamic Conference which monitors the rights and interests of the Muslims living in Non-Muslim majority areas.

Muslim World:

Now we move on to the third part of our lecture today which deals with country to country relationship that is Pakistan’s bilateral relations with individual Muslim countries. It is not possible to discuss all the details of this relationship with all Muslim countries. Pakistan has good relations with all the Muslim countries but we will highlight Pakistan’s relations with some of the Muslim countries so that you have a fair idea of the nature of relationship and the kind of interaction that takes place between Pakistan and different Muslim countries.

Saudi Arabia:

Let’s take up Saudi Arabia first, this has been an important relationship which is characterized by continuity of cordiality going back to the early years of Pakistan. The two countries Pakistan and Saudi Arabia shared views on major international and regional issues. Both countries consult each other on regional and international issues from time to time. They work together on Organization of Islamic Conference. Saudi Arabia supported Pakistan in all its wars with India and its position on Kashmir is supportive of Pakistan. Saudi Arabia being sacred country is a centre of the Muslim ‘Ummah’.

Saudi Arabia and Pakistan have an extensive economic relationship that expanded rapidly after 1972. Saudia had always provided economic assistance and loans to Pakistan and it had also invested capital in Pakistan in various projects. An important aspect of relationship is oil supply to Pakistan from Saudi Arabia. Since 1998 SA had been supplying crude oil to Pakistan on deferred payment bases which mean that you get the oil now but you make the payment of its price later on gradually. This has help to ease economic pressure on Pakistan and Pakistan has been able to obtain oil. SA is the biggest oil supplier to Pakistan at the moment. This relationship is going to expand over the years because both have been expanding the area of cooperation for example latest addition to this cooperation is counter terrorism that is both are cooperating to contain terrorism in the region.

UAE, Kuwait and other Gulf States:

The second important relationship is with UAE, Kuwait and other Gulf States. As a matter of fact Pakistan maintains very cordial and friendly relationship with all Gulf States and Pakistanis are based in all these states. They are working there and contributing to the economy of these countries. These countries and States have close and cordial relations with Pakistan. The new era of economic relations has set in after the Gawadar port was built. These countries have been providing economic assistance and investment in Pakistan. UAE had established hospitals and Islamic centers in some of Pakistani universities where students get knowledge and instructions about Islamic studies and related subjects. I may mention here that the kingdom of Umman have a large no. of Pakistanis living there, it recruits its people in Baluchistan from its army from time to time. So there is a special relationship between this kingdom and Baluchistan. The ruling families of these states make official and personal visits to Pakistan. So far as QATAR is concerned the relations are cordial and friendly. There is a plan under consideration that a gas pipeline from Qatar to Pakistan and if this project is implemented then the economic ties of both the countries would deepen.

Iran:

Pakistan maintains good and cordial relations with Iran. Iran is a neighboring state with long historical and cultural ties. Iran had another distinction. Iran was also the first country which extended formal recognition to Pakistan that is Iran was the first that recognized Pakistan. Iran’s King was also the first head of state who visited Pakistan after it came into existence. Pakistan and Iran had worked together in different organizations; both had joint arrangements in regard to CENTO which was earlier called as the BAGHDAD PACT, RCD, and ECO in addition to other global organizations where they are partners. Iran supported Pakistan in the wars with India. It stressed on liberty of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Pakistan welcomed the Iranian Revolution of February 1979. However in the initial years of the revolution the relations were rather at low key. Firstly because Iran was busy in its internal affairs, secondly Iran had some reservations over the strong ties of Pakistan with the United States at that time. However since the mid 80s the relations have been revived and Iran and Pakistan have gradually become close friends and partners with lot of exchanges and visits at different levels. In fact, 3 Iranian presidents have visited Pakistan since the revolution. In January 1986, president Khamani visited Pakistan later he became the Rahber n Iran. The 2nd president who visited Pakistan was Ali Akbar Rafsanjani who visited Pakistan in March 1997. The 3rd Iranian president who visited Pakistan was president Khatmi who visited Pakistan in December 2002. From Pakistan side there have been similar important visits. Currently there is a project under consideration for constructing a gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan and then from Pakistan it will go to India and if this project is materialized naturally the relations would further expand in the economic domain.

Turkey:

Turkey is another Muslim country with a long history of close and cordial relations with Pakistan. Turkey had stood by Pakistan in all kinds of situations in wars or in peace Turkey has supported Pakistan. On Kashmir Turkey has supported Pakistan and called for a peaceful resolution. If Turkey had been supportive of Pakistan then Pakistan has also supported in all kinds of situations especially on the Cyprus issue. In Cyprus people of Turkish origin or you can say that Turkish Cypriotes were a minority and there was a problem of their rights and interests in Cyprus. In 1974 Turkey landed its troops in Northern Cyprus and Turkish Cypriotes established their own separate entity. Pakistan has been supportive of Turkey and Turkish Cypriotes for this problem and Turkey had appreciated that gesture. There have been high level civil and military visits, in fact their top military leaders visited Pakistan and Pakistani top military leaders responded to that and go back to Turkey for similar visits. Both have great contribution in the multilateral arrangements of CENTO, RCD, ECO, etc.

Egypt:

Egypt Pakistan relations are normal and cordial; currently they exchanged views on regional and international issues. However in the past in the 50s and 60s there was a problem in Pakistan’s relation with the Egypt. Egypt under Nasser had some reservations due to Pakistan’s ties with the West. Pakistan supported Egypt when it was attacked by Israel in 1956, 1967, 1973. The relations began to improve and the cordiality has increased since 1967 and especially after the death of Nasser in 1970.

Libya:

Libya’s head of state Col. Qazzafi has been a great well wisher and supporter of Pakistan. He and his govt extended valuable support to Pakistan in the 70s, this support was not only diplomatic support but also economic support and in the 70s Libya invested in Pakistan. When in 1986 American army launched air raids on Libya Pakistan despite its close ties with America condemned American air raids on Libya, We can look Pakistan and Libya relations in another dimension since the 70s Pakistani military and civilian retired personnel have been doing job and employment in Libya and this has been an important bond between the two countries. Now the Libya is overcoming its problems with the United States Libya Pakistan relations are becoming friendlier and activated.

Jordan:

Jordan is another example of cordiality and friendship. King Hussein had special regard for Pakistan and throughout his rule he supported Pakistan. He worked for close relation with Pakistan. He supported us on India-Pakistan issues. Now his son King Abdullah continued with this tradition, tradition of friendship, cooperation and supportive to Pakistan on different issues. Both have an arrangement of cooperation in the military relationship and since the mid 60s Pakistani military personnel were based there in different capacities for training purposes, which strengthened the relationship between Pakistan and the state of Jordan. Both have trade and diplomatic exchanges. Pakistan supported Jordan on all international issues especially in its problems with Israel.

Afghanistan:

Afghanistan is a neighboring state. At the moment Pakistan has good and friendly relations with Afghanistan but if we go back especially to the early years of independence we do find problems in the relationship. It was mainly because of the govt of that time questioned the legitimacy of the Durand Line that is the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and laid claim Pakistani territory on the name of Pakhunistan. It sided with the ‘Pakhtunistan’ issue and created problems for Pakistan, but as this issue was pushed to the background with the passage of time, relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan improved. No matter what was the relationship between the govt of Pakistan and Afghanistan in the early years the relationship at the common person level or at the individual level was always cordial. Afghanis are coming into Pakistan and Pakistanis are going into Afghanistan that has always been the features. The Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan in December 1979, Pakistan opposed the Soviet intervention and supported the resistance against the Soviet Union which gave birth to the Mujahideen groups, Taliban. Pakistan supported the Taliban govt in Afghanistan but in Sept 11, 2001when the regional and international environment changed Pakistan withdrew support to the Taliban, because incident in America concluded major changes in the world diplomacy. Pakistan got involved in global efforts to contain terrorism. After Taliban, Karzai government took responsibility of Afghanistan’s reconstruction. Pakistan extended all kinds of economic and technological assistance to the Karzai govt for reconstruction and rehabilitation of Afghanistan. The interest of Pakistan is that a friendly neighboring country should stabilize, overcome its problems so that the refugees that are there n Pakistan can go back to their homes in security and they might have better future there.

Bangladesh:

Bangladesh came into existence in December 1971 in a situation which created a lot of bitterness in Bangladesh against Pakistan and in Pakistan against Bangladesh. So in the initial years there was a lot of bitterness between the two countries. Bangladesh was East Pakistan but the internal instability and external conspiracies gave birth to Bangladesh. Pakistan had initially bitter relations but recognized it in February 1974 and from that time its relation with Bangladesh have gradually improved. Despite the fact that in the initial years both the countries have complaints against each other. In the present day context countries have cordial relations, trade has improved and the visits of senior official and political leaders has been there. Both worked together within the framework of SAARC, OIC. With the passage of time the relations of both these countries are going to expand.

Other Muslim Countries:

Then there are other Muslim countries with which Pakistan has good and friendly relations. I can mention some of the names Indonesia, Malaysia, and then there are Muslim countries in Africa like Algeria, Tunis, Morocco and Sudan. With all these countries I have named Pakistan has close and cordial relations. This reflects Pakistan’s effort to maintain close relations with the Muslim World which is an important feature of Pakistan’s foreign policy. This reflects the aspiration of the people of Pakistan who have been great supporter of Pakistan’s relations with the Muslim countries. Whenever there is a problem in the Muslim World the people of Pakistan have always stood by them and supported them in all respects therefore the govt of Pakistan has always been doing the same thing because this is enjoin on the govt from the constitution and this is also part of Pakistan’s political heritage, this also fits in Pakistani identity derived from and based on Islam that it must reflect these values in its foreign policy.

Q.3 What we the factors that compelled Pakistan elite to join the western security systems under the leadership USA? Do you agree/disagree with the view that it was the only available option for Pakistan?

ANS

IT is nearly ten years since Pakistan became an ally of the West. In May 1954, Pakistan signed the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement with the United States. Later in that year it became a member of SEATO along with the United States, Britain, France, Thailand, the Philippines, Australia and New Zealand. A year later, it joined the Baghdad Pact, another mutual defense organization, with Britain, Turkey, Iran and Iraq. The United States has not joined this organization, but has remained closely associated with it since its inception. In 1958, when Iraq left this pact, it was renamed CENTO (Central Treaty Organization):

Western Security Systems specialises in the planning, installation, maintenance, takeover, upgrade and repair of: Access Control Systems, Intruder Alarm Systems, Fire Alarms and CCTV systems. We are a family business located in Cardiff. We are ideally positioned just 3 minutes away from Junction 32 of the M4 motorway allowing us to serve our existing client portfolio spread mostly throughout the entire South and South-West area of the UK. We operate our own CCTV monitoring centre and employ our own SIA registered staff within it for industry compliance. Western Security Systems can design a security package which is tailor made to your exacting requirements all of which will comply with NSI GOLD standards.

Western Security Systems specialises in the planning, installation, maintenance, takeover, upgrade and repair of: Access Control Systems, Intruder Alarm Systems, Fire Alarms and CCTV systems. We are a family business located in Cardiff (South Wales). We are ideally positioned just 3 minutes away from Junction 32 of the M4 motorway allowing us to serve our existing client portfolio spread mostly throughout the entire South and South-West area of the UK. We operate our own CCTV monitoring centre and employ our own SIA registered staff within it for industry compliance. Western Security Systems can design a security package which is tailor made to your exacting requirements all of which will comply with NSI GOLD standards.

The FBI created the National Security Branch (NSB) in 2005 in response to a presidential directive to establish a “National Security Service” that combines the missions, capabilities, and resources of the FBI’s national security elements under the leadership of a senior FBI official.

Structure of the NSB

The traditional distinction between national security and criminal matters is increasingly blurred as terrorists commit crimes to finance their activities and computer hackers create vulnerabilities that can be exploited.The integration of intelligence and investigations makes the FBI uniquely situated to address these threats and vulnerabilities across programs. We draw on both intelligence and law enforcement tools to determine strategically where and when to disrupt threats, and the NSB’s five components work together to accomplish the Branch’s overarching national security mission.

Counterintelligence

The FBI is the lead agency for exposing, preventing, and investigating intelligence activities, including espionage, on U.S. soil and uses its investigative and intelligence capabilities–as well as strategic partnerships–to pursue spies.

Terrorism

To counter terrorism, the FBI’s top investigative priority, we use our investigative and intelligence capabilities to neutralize domestic extremists and help dismantle terrorist networks worldwide.

Terrorist Screening Center

Born out of the events of September 11, 2001 and created in 2003, the Terrorist Screening Center maintains the U.S. government’s consolidated Terrorist Watchlist—a single database of identifying information about those known to be (or reasonably suspected of being) involved in terrorist activity. By supporting the ability of front-line screening agencies to positively identify known or suspected terrorists trying to obtain visas, enter the country, board aircraft, or engage in other activity, the consolidated Terrorist Watchlist is one of the most effective counterterrorism tools for the U.S. government.

WMD

The FBI created the Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) Directorate in 2006 to support a cohesive and coordinated approach to incidents involving chemical, biological, radiological, or nuclear (CBRN) material. The Directorate leads U.S. government efforts to prevent and neutralize WMD threats against the homeland and interests abroad by focusing on outreach, intelligence, operational response, and investigative capabilities designed to keep WMD threats from becoming a reality.

Q.4 It is often said that 1962 border clashes between India and China paved the way for cordial relations between china and Pakistan. Elaborate the Sino-Pakistan-India triangular relations in the light of the statement.

ANS

The downswing in India-China relations following the 1962 Chinese aggression paved the way for convergence of Sino-Pak relations. This was strengthened with Pak ceding over 5000 sq km territory in POK to China in March 1963. Sino-Pak relations are now an “all weather friendship” and the Karakoram highway symbolises it. 18.

1. India and China are two emerging global powers, with common aspirations & having vast potential to stake their legitimate claim as premier nations of the 21st century. The two countries share centuries of cordial relations and peaceful co-existence.
2. Despite the unfortunate lone blemish of the 1962 border conflict and perceived rivalry for regional and global status in the recent years, shared ancient cultural ties, geographical proximity and the benefits of a shared vision, suggest a greater degree of give and take and cooperation between the two Asian giants for mutual benefit and progress therein.
3. In recent times, Sino-Indian relations have largely been looked at from the narrow prism of mistrust, potential conflict and competitive assertiveness. This article aims to examine the way beyond some of these present irritants in the bilateral relationship with a view to establishing closer ties based on mutual benefit and harmonious co-existence between the two countries.

Ancient Ties Between India and China

4. India and China share a long history of peaceful coexistence that goes back to the third millennium. Trade relations flourished through the famous “Silk Route”. The advent of Buddhism in China saw further cementing of religious and cultural ties between the two great nations.
5. In the middle ages, the relations dwindled due mixed influences. India was colonized and China, absorbed by the Middle Kingdom Complex withdrew from the outside world. However, even during these times, trading relations flourished.
6. As sovereign nations in the 20th century, India and China moved forward simultaneously. India extended full support to China in the international arena. It advocated Chinese entry into the United Nations and voted against UN resolution branding China as an ‘aggressor’ in the Korean crisis. This was the time of ‘Hindi-Chini Bhai-bhai’ days which culminated into numerous cultural and technical exchanges along with high level political exchanges.
7. This euphoria took a back seat when mutual reservation began to be articulated openly during the late 1950s. The border problem took a serious turn by 1962, with India adopting the ‘Forward Policy’ and led to the short war between India and China. [1]

MOVING BEYOND PRESENT IRRITANTS

The Sino-Indian Border Dispute

8. The Sino-Indian border had been peaceful for centuries. Problems began with the demarcation of the border along the British drawn McMohan line in 1914, which was not ratified by the Chinese.
9. ‘Panscheel’ and the overt gestures by both countries to appease each other in the early 1950s did not quite sow the desired seeds of lasting friendship at that time. The infamous ‘Forward Policy’ adopted by Nehru in the late 1950s and early 1960s saw the issue snowball into the only war between India and China in 1962. A brief genesis of the border problem is at Appx A.

The Sino-Indian War between China and India occurred in October–November 1962. A disputed Himalayan border was the main cause of the war. There had been a series of violent border skirmishes between the two countries after the 1959 Tibetan uprising, when India granted asylum to the Dalai Lama. India initiated a defensive Forward Policy from 1960 to hinder Chinese military patrols and logistics, in which it placed outposts along the border, including several north of the McMahon Line, the eastern portion of the Line of Actual Control proclaimed by Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in 1959.^[12]

Chinese military action grew increasingly aggressive after India rejected proposed Chinese diplomatic settlements throughout 1960–1962, with China re-commencing previously-banned “forward patrols” in Ladakh from 30 April 1962.^[13][14] China finally abandoned all attempts of peaceful resolution on 20 October 1962, invading disputed territory along the 3,225 kilometres (2,004 mi) long Himalayan border in Ladakh and across the McMahon Line.^[15] Chinese troops pushed back Indian forces in both theatres, capturing Rezang La in Chushul in the western theatre, as well as Tawang in the eastern theatre. The war ended when China declared a ceasefire on 20 November 1962, and simultaneously announced its withdrawal to its claimed “Line of Actual Control”.

Much of the fighting took place in harsh mountain conditions, entailing large-scale combat at altitudes of over 4,000 metres (13,000 feet).^[16] The Sino-Indian War was also notable for the lack of deployment of naval and aerial assets by either China or India.

As the Sino-Soviet split heated up, Moscow made a major effort to support India, especially with the sale of advanced MiG fighter-aircraft. The United States and Britain refused to sell advanced weaponry to India, causing it to turn to the Soviet Union.^[

The military dimension of this triangle evolved in the years after the 1962 Sino–Indian Border War, when Beijing and Islamabad signed the border delimitation agreement in 1963. As part of this agreement, Pakistan handed over the Trans-Karakoram tract, a territory in Kashmir that India claimed, to China, turning the dispute into a trilateral one.

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COMMENTARY

The China-India-Pakistan Triangle: Origins, Contemporary Perceptions, and Future

Even as India and China find themselves embroiled in yet another border standoff at the Line of Actual Control (LAC), commentators have sounded alarm on how Pakistan could seek to utilize the situation.

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Part of the South Asian Voices Project

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South Asia

BY Monish Tourangbam

• June 25, 2020

This article was originally published in South Asian Voices.

Even as India and China find themselves embroiled in yet another border standoff at the Line of Actual Control (LAC), commentators have sounded alarm on how Pakistan could seek to utilize the situation. Concurrently, some have observed that China’s transgression at the border is likely to push New Delhi closer to Washington, at a time when Sino-U.S. tensions are running high. A dyadic understanding of the security environment in Southern Asia, either through an India-Pakistan or India-China lens, is thus incomplete and does not account for the triangular dynamics that shape these interactions. To understand regional dynamics, it is critical to understand the India-Pakistan-China triangle and how it is impacted by the strategic chain, including the United States. The contemporary reality of these dynamics is grounded in an early Cold War history, and potential conflict scenarios involving these countries animate the geopolitics of Southern Asia.

A Triangle Made in History 

The India-Pakistan-China triangle is mired in a convoluted history of unresolved border disputes, with military confrontations between India and China at the Line of Actual Control (LAC), and India and Pakistan at the Line of Control (LoC) occurring intermittently. In 1947, Britain’s hasty withdrawal from the subcontinent as a result of post-war decolonization led to a haphazard redrawing of political boundaries in Southern Asia, leaving some territory contested. The four wars that India and Pakistan have fought since 1947, the Sino-Indian Border War of 1962, and recurrent India-China and India-Pakistan conflicts at the LAC and LoC trace their genesis back to this protracted history. The military dimension of this triangle evolved in the years after the 1962 Sino-Indian Border War, when Beijing and Islamabad signed the border delimitation agreement in 1963. As part of this agreement, Pakistan handed over the Trans-Karakoram tract, a territory in Kashmir that India claimed, to China, turning the dispute into a trilateral one.

Further, during the 1965 India-Pakistan War, Pakistan felt betrayed by a lack of U.S. support, and chose to strengthen relations with China. Pakistan had expected the United States to tilt to its side, due to the 1954 U.S.-Pakistan mutual defense agreement and Pakistan’s membership in U.S. engineered alliances like the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and the Central Treaty Organization. However, during and after the 1962 war, the United States showed hitherto unseen willingness to aid and assist India’s military against Communist China, making it prudent for China and Pakistan to join hands. Although Washington premised arming both Pakistan and India to achieve its Cold War objective to contain communism in Asia, neither side bought Washington’s assurances that its military supplies were not meant to be used against each other. Although China did not provide any direct military help to its new friend Pakistan during the 1965 war, it did engage in a psychological assault against India, repeatedly accusing New Delhi of showing aggression on the India-China border, and threatening Chinese reprisal.

During and after the 1971 India-Pakistan War, the United States tilted towards Pakistan, because it needed Islamabad as a conduit to Beijing during the 1972 Sino-U.S. rapprochement talks. Beginning in 1979, Pakistan played a frontline role for the United States in Afghanistan, in the last Cold War tussle between the United States and Soviet Union. In this context,  geopolitics trumped nonproliferation concerns as Washington ignored intelligence that China was helping Pakistan develop a nuclear bomb. These conditions were hardly conducive for a healthy Indo-U.S. relationship, despite efforts at finding convergent points during the Reagan presidency. After the Cold War, the subsequent rise of China as a global power, followed by that of India, shifted dynamics of the India-China dyad, leading to heightened Sino-Indian competition, and tightening Sino-Pakistan military ties. Meanwhile, the India-Pakistan relationship remained volatile, taking an even more sinister turn as cross-border terrorism emanating in Pakistan targeted India, becoming a lingering roadblock to normalizing ties.

The Triangle in Contemporary Times

What characterizes this triangle is the geographical proximity of the three nuclear-armed countries, wherein any military standoff or confrontation is perceived as having the risk of use of nuclear weapons, or the probability of a two-front war for India, against a Sino-Pakistani combined military assault.

Today, both capabilities and intentions play a significant role in shaping perceptions and misperceptions within the India-Pakistan-China triangle. Specifically, Pakistan’s power asymmetry relative to that of India, and India’s power gap vis-à-vis China drive each state’s regional posture. Pakistan’s bid to enhance its capabilities, especially through nuclear deterrence and with Chinese assistance, is a means to counter India’s conventional superiority. Meanwhile, China’s growing military capabilities and defense modernization as well as its increasing role as a development and security partner for not only Pakistan but also a host of other states in India’s neighborhood foment concern in New Delhi.

Additionally, what characterizes this triangle is also the geographical proximity of the three nuclear-armed countries, wherein any military standoff or confrontation is perceived as having the risk of use of nuclear weapons, or the probability of a two-front war for India, against a Sino-Pakistani combined military assault. However, the Pakistani response to any India-China border confrontation, and a Chinese response to an India-Pakistan war or a military standoff at the borders, is more tacit than overt, since the China-Pakistan strategic alliance does not have any unambiguous notion of the two countries coming to each other’s help in the event of a war.

More than a Triangle: The Strategic Chain

Strategic analysts increasingly agree that the security dynamics of Southern Asia are best explained as a triangle, rather than as an India-Pakistan dyad. However, external players are crucial in shaping outcomes within this triangle, and so regional dynamics may be better depicted as a strategic chain wherein the United States is the most prominent external agent of influence. The triangle and the strategic chain, as conceptual lenses to understand geopolitics in Southern Asia, are complementary rather than contradictory. While the inherent security dilemma in the India-Pakistan-China triangle continues to be a major determining factor of the regional security scenario, looking at how the U.S. role complicates responses and counter-responses in this triangle, completes the picture. The emerging security environment in the region can be better explained by considering the concerns regarding China’s rise that drive the Indo-U.S. relationship, China and Pakistan’s threat perceptions vis-à-vis this partnership, and India’s worries emanating from the China-Pakistan alliance.

As Chinese influence increases in India’s maritime and continental neighborhood, New Delhi has in turn reached out to China’s neighbors to build partnerships with countries in Southeast and East Asia. Rising Sino-Indian competition in both continental and maritime realms, along with the global power tussle between China and the United States, has led to a greater strategic embrace between New Delhi and Washington. Beijing, on the one hand, tries to convince New Delhi not to fully align with the United States against China, engaging India in a number of forums such as Brazil, Russia, India, China, Russia, South Africa (BRICS), Russia-India-China (RIC), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and through bilateral top leadership summits. On the other hand, Beijing solidifies its strategic outreach to Pakistan, which inherently isolates India, through controversial projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the flagship of its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The interlocking threat perceptions and responses in the triangle hence cannot be decoupled from the U.S. strategy in the region, making the strategic chain an effective complement to explain the geopolitics of Southern Asia.